There were three reasons to justify my contribution to this debate.
The first was my grief that the golden reputation of a great and
much-revered man should have been transmuted into the leaden caricature
of a cartoon character, a mediocre version of a Scottish Asterix.
The second was my irritation at the mischief this film, yet another
fictionalised history (sometimes described, in the UK anyway,
as "faction"), would create among the schoolchildren who, in their
millions, will see it at the cinema now, and later on television,
and will accept its ludicrous absurdities as true history.
The third reason was that I did indeed recognise the movie's relevance
to the 20th Century, as most readers will have assumed from my
wonder, expressed parenthetically, that this distressing misrepresentation
might be "(politically-motivated???)".
Power without responsibility, as a more eloquent pen than mine
once memorably observed, has been the prerogative of the harlot
throughout the ages. That the movie industry has the power to
influence minds on moral and political matters has never been
denied, but many of the inescapably consequent obligations of
responsibility have nevertheless been evaded. These must be self-imposed,
of course, (for anything in the nature of an external control
could be corrupted into censorship, introducing thereby equivalent
dangers from outside the industry), and thus they have to be recognised
as self-discipline at director level.
Does it matter? I believe it does, particularly because the danger
is so insidious. This is a forum of movie enthusiasts, and so
almost every member will have seen the storming of the Winter
Palace as it was portrayed by Sergei Eisenstein, with the hordes
of valiant revolutionaries braving the guns of the brutal rulers.
Almost everyone knows about this great moment in world history.
But it never happened. (The rulers weren't brutal and they had
very few guns. The Government inside the Palace fell to small
patrols of Red Guards who entered by side doors. There were no
mobs on the streets. There were no burning barricades.)
Now there was no "health warning" on "Braveheart". Gibson, at his press conference, was reported as saying "the
film would be authentic" but that he had to make "compromises
for story telling purposes." We all know that to compress seven
years into three hours requires some compromises. We are accustomed
to accepting poetic licence, and there are few who would object
to the acceleration of the Prince's marriage so that a pretty
girl who was in reality a nine-year-old maiden at her father's
court in France might bring the enigmatic grace and beauty of
a neglected wife to the court of Edward Longshanks. It is perhaps
also acceptable, within the conventions of cinema, to show Edward,
bereft of speech, close to death and within earshot of the agonies
of Wallace (although he was still on campaign in the north of
England when, two years later, he did die).
But how can a director claim authenticity for a story that has
a physically active king (in England) speechless at the news,
delivered by his nine-year-old posthumously-acquired daughter-in-law
(in France), that the child she carries and intends to pass off
as his grandchild is the result of a tryst (in a deserted hut
in a northern forest from which she returned unescorted) with
the man whose tortured shrieks he can hear from several miles
away?
Is this poetic licence so terrible? If it had not been of such
significance to the story it would have been distasteful or, to
an observer perhaps more objective than I, merely inexplicable.
But the licence Gibson took throughout the movie was, as you so
accurately perceived, of such significance that it shaped and
massaged a political message directly relevant to 20th Century
politics (as has been amply demonstrated by the widely-reported
vociferous audience reaction at cinemas in Scotland). And it went
further, for in seeking to grant the paternity of Edward III to
Wallace, Gibson denigrates the institution of monarchy, which
is based on heredity, and invigorates its opponents.
Gibson's hero was shown not to be a cadet of the Wallaces of Riccarton,
not the landed knight's son whose daughter married Sir William Baillie of Hoprig (said by Alexander Nisbet
in 1722 to have descendants still alive) and whose maternal grandfather
was Sir Reginald Craufurd of Loudon, the powerful Sheriff of Ayr
(far more powerful and immensely richer than the sheriffs of the
western movies Gibson may have thought he was imitating). Gibson's
hero was not the man who bore his father's silver lion rampant
on his red shield, was thus by Scots law a noble, and as a noble,
albeit of low rank, was competent to treat with, and be supported
in battle by, those of higher rank. Gibson's hero was a fiction,
a "commoner" (which is Gibson's term) from a peat-roofed stone
hut who was scorned by the "nobility" and betrayed by them because
they preferred to be ruled from England. (Of course, the Earls
of Angus and of Dunbar did go over to the English on the eve of
Falkirk, but although Comyn led Wallace's small force of cavalry
off the field, the timing of this is uncertain and there is no
evidence that it was actually desertion. Many nobles fought with
him to the end, and such as the Tutor of Fife, Graham of Dundaff and Stewart of Bonkill, brother of the High Steward, died there.)
Gibson's Irishmen at Falkirk went over to Wallace in a splendid
display of working class solidarity, but in reality, true to the
traditional hostility between the two races, they hated the Scots
and fought us ferociously. Thomas Bisset led an Irish contingent
to join Edward, but was reported to have stopped off at the Isle
of Arran, conquered it, and asked Edward to grant it to him. (Gibson
may have confused the Irish with the Welsh, for the Welsh had
been recently fighting the English, and Edward distrusted their
loyalty. Edward made the mistake of trying to enthuse them with
an extra ration of wine on the night before the battle, but this
led to a drunken brawl with the English and then an outspoken
threat to join the Scots, a threat that forced Edward to suppress
the danger their unreliability posed with an exhibition of his
characteristic, lethal ruthlessness.)
Yes, as you claim, Braveheart is about "Western Civilization of
the 20th Century". It is meretricious and dishonest, and as an
entertainment expected to mislead those who understand little
of history it is socially destructive. That it should appear now,
at a time when independence is a sensitive political issue in
Scotland and an excuse to murder in Ireland, and stir blind emotions
with falsehood, is entirely consistent with some of the more regrettable
characteristics of "Western Civilization in the 20th Century".
The great patriots of Scotland, among whom Wallace, Douglas, Bruce,
and the Queen the English murdered at Fotheringhay, are immortal,
have been ill-served by many who sought to follow in their steps.
Edward Longshanks created the Scottish nation, Wallace breathed
life into it, Douglas inspired it, and Bruce nurtured it. Two
and a half centuries later a great Queen, who would have consolidated
everything her Stewart ancestors had sought to achieve for us,
was betrayed by "patriots" and then broken by factional fighting
fomented from abroad. Nothing has changed since she went to her
martyr's block. "Independence" is not the answer. Nor is revolution.
Scotland has enjoyed some golden periods, but those were notable
for social cohesion and loyalty to the Crown, not for class warfare.
Of course "Braveheart is less about Scotland of 700 years ago
than it is about Western Civilization of the 20th Century." Did
you really believe for a moment than any historian would not recognise
that?