| 5 ~ The Monarch's office is authorised by the Act of Settlement 1701, which gave the descent of the Crown to the Protestant heirs general of Sophia, and the Monarch succeeds to the Crown at the moment the predecessor dies. However, the ratification of that succession which the Monarch's subsequent coronation signifies is not owed to the Act: it is the gift of the people the Monarch is to represent until death. At the coronation, the Sovereign is acclaimed as the choice of Parliament acting for the People, and the coronation oath, whose continuous history can be traced to the time of the Confessor, and whose development embraces the Magna Carta, confirms that the Sovereign's authority is itself subject to the Law (and thus all authority delegated from the Sovereign is subject to the Law). | ||||||||||||||
| 6 ~ Without the Monarch, Parliament cannot legislate, for although the Royal Assent is given by the three Lords Commissioners for the Monarch, that Assent has first to be authorised by the Monarch. While it is true that the full authority of the Monarch as Sovereign may be attained only with the Three Estates of the Realm assembled in full Parliament, the Monarch will always retain the Royal Prerogatives: to dismiss the prime minister; and to dissolve the Parliament. We have a balance; we have a closed loop; we have a sovereign people. That is the situation today. | ||||||||||||||
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| 8 ~ It may be argued that no nation, no people, can retain full sovereignty in this modern world, for trade pacts and military alliances and international organisations whittle it away. To some extent that is true, but the liability for obligations created by trade and war and peace have always existed, and a sovereign people has always, at the last resort, been able to dishonour its obligations* or negotiate alternatives. But the total surrender of sovereignty is irreversible: a grant of independence later will not restore the status quo ante. In consequence, it is difficult to accept the full membership of the United Kingdom within a federal Europe as compatible with the maintenance of a Representative Monarchy. | ||||||||||||||
| 9 ~ There are possibilities short of full political integration which will have to be examined. The Monarch may be retained by the British people to manifest the sovereignty the nation has retained, the remains of its independence - but in what way? The closed loop of People to Monarch to Government to People cannot be cut without damaging its logic; the balance of Sovereign and Parliament cannot be upset without the loss of the essential and treasured constitutional protection.
10 ~ And what possibilities are there which may fall just short of full political integration, and be viable? The triad of Parliament, the Executive and the Law cannot operate on margins. Parliament may accept some centralised rulings and pass them into law in the form of Acts after debate; the Executive may conform to centralised agreements consequent on the harmonisation negotiations; and the Law will enforce, according to its independent judgement, what Parliament has approved - but will the people of the United Kingdom accept the abolition of their distinctive English and Scottish legal systems, which full membership of a federal Europe will entail, and the substitution of a cocktail devised by committees whose majorities bow to laws and traditions whose origins are usually alien, occasionally incomprehensible? 11 ~ If the sovereign People decides, through the representatives in Parliament, that British Law is to be retained, the role of the Monarch as the Supreme Justice within the United Kingdom will become recognised as the greatest hurdle the federalists have to surmount. The relationships shared
are not just a redundant element in the nation's ancient history: they have a continuing vitality which may prove incompatible with surrender. |
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* Reges pacem servant quando volunt - Princes observe treaties while they will. (John Major iii.6. ~ John Major the philosopher, of course, not John Major the recent British Prime Minister)
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